6 provinces (faritany); Antananarivo, Antsiranana, Fianarantsoa, Mahajanga, Toamasina, Toliara
Independence:
26 June 1960 (from France)
National holiday:
Independence Day, 26 June (1960)
Constitution:
19 August 1992 by national referendum
Legal system:
based on French civil law system and traditional Malagasy law; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Suffrage:
18 years of age; universal
Executive branch:
chief of state: President Marc RAVALOMANANA (since 6 May 2002)
head of government: Prime Minister Jacques SYLLA (27 May 2002)
cabinet: Council of Ministers appointed by the prime minister
elections: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term; election last held 16 December 2001 (next to be held November 2006); prime minister appointed by the president
election results: percent of vote - Didier RATSIRAKA (AREMA) 37.7%, Marc RAVALOMANANA (TIM) 50.5%
Legislative branch:
bicameral legislature consists of a National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (160 seats; members are directly elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms) and a Senate or Senat (100 seats; two-thirds of the seats filled by regional assemblies whose members will be elected by popular vote; the remaining one-third of the seats appointed by the president; all members will serve four-year terms)
elections: National Assembly - last held 15 December 2002 (next to be held NA 2006)
election results: National Assembly - percent of vote by party - NA%; seats by party - TIM 103, FP 22, AREMA 3, LEADER/Fanilo 2, RPSD 5, others 3, independents 22
Judicial branch:
Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; High Constitutional Court or Haute Cour Constitutionnelle
Political parties and leaders:
Association for the Rebirth of Madagascar or AREMA [Pierrot RAJAONARIVO]; Economic Liberalism and Democratic Action for National Recovery or LEADER/Fanilo [Herizo RAZAFIMAHALEO]; Fihaonana Party or FP [Guy-Willy RAZANAMASY]; I Love Madagascar or TIM [Marc RAVALOMANANA]; Renewal of the Social Democratic Party or RPSD [Evariste MARSON]
Political pressure groups and leaders:
Committee for the Defense of Truth and Justice or KMMR; Committee for National Reconciliation or CRN [Albert Zafy]; National Council of Christian Churches or FFKM
The Third Republic received its first expression of popular support
and legitimacy on August 19, 1992, when the constitutional framework
constructed by the National Conference was approved by more than 75
percent of those voting in a popular referendum (the constitution took
effect on September 12). On this date, the people overwhelmingly
approved a new constitution consisting of 149 articles that provided for
the separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial
branches of government; the creation of a multiparty political system;
and the protection of individual human rights and freedom of speech.
The power of the executive branch is divided between a president who
is elected by universal suffrage and a prime minister from the
parliament who is nominated by his/her peers but who must be approved by
the president. If the nominee for prime minister does not achieve an
absolute majority of support within the parliament, the president may
choose a candidate from the parliament who will serve for one year. As
captured in the Malagasy concept ray aman-dreny (father and
mother of the nation), enshrined in Article 44 of the constitution, the
president serves as the symbol of national unity. The president also is
the recognized leader of foreign policy and constitutes by far the
single most powerful political person within the country. All
presidential decrees must be countersigned, however, and the president
is bound by the constitutional reality that the prime minister is
responsible for the functioning of the government.
The president is elected for a five-year period and is limited to two
terms in office. In the event that no candidate wins a simple majority
of the popular vote, a run-off election is held between the two leading
candidates within a period of two months. The most important unwritten
law regarding the executive branch revolves around the côtier/central
highlands distinction. If a côtier is elected president, it is
understood that a Merina will fill the position of prime minister, and
vice versa. In the case of the first national elections held under the
Third Republic, for example, the elected president--Zafy--who is a côtier,
chose a prime minister-- Francisque Ravony--from the ranks of the Merina
(although several of the Merina elite were not entirely happy with the
choice because Ravony is only half Merina).
The constitution provides for a bicameral parliament composed of a
Senate and a National Assembly (Assembleé Nationale). The Senate
represents territorial groups and serves as the consultative chamber on
social and economic issues. Two-thirds of its members are chosen by an
Electoral College and the remaining one-third are chosen by the
president. Envisioned elections for 1994 had not been held as of June
1994. The National Assembly consists of 138 deputies elected by
universal suffrage using a proportional representation list-system. Both
senators and deputies serve for four years. The June 16, 1993 elections
resulted in about half the deputies elected being members of the Forces
Vives. The remainder belonged to six parties of which the largest had
fifteen deputies and the smallest nine deputies. The parliament as a
whole operates with a variety of classic parliamentary measures, such as
a vote of no confidence, that enable it to serve as a check on the power
of the executive.
A new system of local governance under the constitution is known as
the Decentralized Territorial Authorities (Collectivités Territoriales
Décentralisées). According to the decentralization law adopted by the
National Assembly in March 1994, twenty-eight regions (faritra),
more than 100 departments (fileovana), and a little less than
1,000 communes (faribohitra) have been created. Certain urban
communes, such as the cities of Antananarivo, Nosy-Be, and Sainte Marie
will function as departments. Envisioned as regional vehicles for
popular input in which members are elected by universal suffrage, these
authorities have yet to be implemented; their exact role in the
policy-making process remains ill-defined, but it is contemplated that
the national government will handle such areas as foreign affairs,
defense, public security, justice, currency, and broad economic planning
and policy, leaving economic implementation to the decentralized bodies.
However, the Zafy regime is confident that, once functioning, these
regional boards will take the political initiative away from the
so-called federalist opposition, which has been seeking to shift power
away from the central government to the regions.
A strong, independent judiciary is also enshrined in the 1992
constitution. An eleven-member Supreme Court serves as the highest
arbiter of the laws of the land. Other judicial bodies include the
Administrative and Financial Constitutional Court, the Appeals Courts,
tribunals, and the High Court of Justice. The creation of this complex
system indicates the desire of the constitutional framers for a society
built upon the rule of law. Indeed, the constitution explicitly outlines
the fundamental rights of individual citizens and groups (most notably
freedom of speech) and guarantees the existence of an independent press
free from government control or censorship.
The creation of a truly free and fair multiparty system is the
centerpiece of the new constitutional order. In sharp contrast to the
Ratsiraka era, when political parties could only exist under the
ideological umbrella of the FNDR, democratization of the political
system has led to the proliferation of political parties of all
ideological stripes. In the first legislative elections held under the
Third Republic in 1993, for example, more than 120 political parties
fielded at least 4,000 candidates for a total of 138 legislative seats.
Despite constitutional guarantees concerning the rights of citizens to
form political parties without fear of government retribution, parties
that call for ethnic or religious segregation or demonstrably endanger
national unity are subject to being banned.
The electoral system is designed to promote and facilitate widespread
popular participation. In fact, it is argued that the proportional
representation list-system (including the rule of the largest remainder)
for electing deputies actually encourages large numbers of candidates to
take part. All resident citizens eighteen years of age or older can vote
in elections, but candidates must be at least twenty-one years of age to
participate. Electoral registers are usually revised during a two-month
period beginning in December, and the country is divided into
sixty-eight constituencies for electoral purposes. Although there was a
four-month gap between the end of the first presidential elections and
the first legislative elections held under the Third Republic in 1993,
legislative elections are supposed to be held no less than two months
after the end of presidential elections. The next presidential elections
are scheduled for 1998.
<>The Fokonolona
and Traditional Governance
<>Foreign Relations
Madagascar - The Fokonolona and Traditional Governance
Madagascar has a tradition of limited village self-rule associated
with the institution of the fokonolona--a village council
composed of village elders and other local notables. After having been
alternately suppressed and encouraged by the French colonial
authorities, authorities officially revived the fokonolona in
1962 in an attempt to involve local communities in plans for rural
economic and social development. The perceived usefulness of the fokonolona
derived from its traditional role of maintaining order in the village
and providing social and economic assistance.
In 1973 the Ramanantsoa military regime furthered the selfrule
concept by establishing self-governing bodies at the local level.
Government functionaries who were formerly appointed were to be replaced
by elected officials. Yet it was not until 1975, under the leadership of
Ratsiraka, that the fokonolona was given constitutional
recognition as the "decentralized collective of the state"
responsible for economic, social, cultural, and municipal development at
the local level. Despite his best intentions, during Ratsiraka's rule
the fokonolona was still far from an idealized self-governing
institution. Its governing bodies were dominated, as in the past, by
conservative elders, and participation by youth was either minimal or
not encouraged by elders. Under the Zafy regime the fokonolona
will continue to offer policy guidance at the local level, but it has
been superseded by the Decentralized Territorial Collectives.
The fokonolona often is characterized as one of the most
characteristic Malagasy social institutions. It is, in fact, not a
"pan-Malagasy" cultural element but an institution that
evolved among the Merina and was implanted in other parts of the country
by both the Merina and the French. Even among the neighboring Betsileo,
it is considered something of a foreign implantation. Nonetheless, the fokonolona
offers aid to members in need (such as when a child is born or a funeral
is held), undertakes village projects (such as the repair of rice fields
or village buildings after a cyclone), coordinates mutual aid at
planting and harvest time, and occasionally chastises--or
ostracizes--those considered wrongdoers.
The fokonolona ties individuals together in a network of
mutual obligations. Its meetings bring together in a cooperative setting
people of different kinship groups within a village, and the common use
of fictive kinship terms promotes the creation of an atmosphere of amity
and solidarity (fihavanana), necessary for sincere cooperation.
The fokonolona, however, traditionally has not been a
democratic institution despite its town-meeting character, because its
meetings tend to be dominated by influential local notables. Local
political power remains a function of age and membership in a
high-status kinship group; in some cases, the descendants of slaves (andevo)
attend fokonolona meetings, but their influence is marginal.
At fokonolona meetings, it is possible to see one of
Madagascar's most striking cultural expressions, the kabary
(discourse), a lengthy speech in which a speaker uses flowery and poetic
language to make a critical point in a most indirect fashion. The people
will listen silently from beginning to end. Those who disagree will not
express their opinion but will counter with a speech that at first seems
to support the first speaker but that actually contains a hidden
counterproposal. Speakers may express their views by telling jokes. If
people laugh or if they simply act according to the second speaker's
proposal, the first has lost. Rarely if ever does an open confrontation
between speakers occur.
Close Franco-Malagasy ties formed the cornerstone of Madagascar's
foreign policy in the early independence years, as witnessed by the
signing of fourteen agreements and conventions with France. An Economic
and Financial Cooperation Agreement signed in June 1960 specified and
regulated Madagascar's status as a member of the Franc Zone. Other
economic agreements ensured the sanctity of existing French economic
interests and, therefore, continued strong levels of French influence
over Madagascar's economy. The Malagasy role was largely limited to the
impact of decision makers in the upper echelons of government and input
at the grass-roots level by small-scale farmers producing for
subsistence or export. Other sectors by and large remained the domain of
French trading conglomerates, large-scale agriculturalists, or Chinese
and Indian middlepersons.
In the realm of security, defense agreements underscored France's
willingness to provide strategic protection for Madagascar. France was
allowed access to military bases and installations in Madagascar. These
included the natural harbor of Antsiranana at the northern end of the
island and the Ivato airfield near Antananarivo. France also enjoyed
complete freedom of movement in the island's airspaces and coastal
waters. In return for these benefits, France provided military aid,
technical assistance, and training for Malagasy security forces.
French influence was equally strong in the cultural realm. The
country's intellectual elite was French-speaking, and many prominent
Malagasy studied in French lycées and acquired degrees from
French universities. Newspapers and periodicals published in French as
well as Malagasy circulated in Antananarivo and other major cities.
French was the language of instruction for higher education, and many
teachers were French. At secondary and higher levels, the curriculum was
modeled closely on that of France.
The strengthening of ties with France was complemented by a desire to
enhance links with other Western countries, including Britain, Italy,
Switzerland, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), and most
notably the United States. In October 1963, the Tsiranana regime
consented to the construction of a National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA) satellite tracking station near the old airport
outside the capital. In return, the United States initiated a modest
foreign assistance program that guaranteed private investment in the
island's economy and made available a number of fellowships to students
from Madagascar. Madagascar also established diplomatic links with other
newly emerging nations, particularly former French colonies in Africa,
and strengthened relationships with Asian countries, most notably Japan,
India, and Indonesia.
A significant shift occurred in Madagascar's foreign policy after the
downfall of the Tsiranana regime in 1972. In a series of diplomatic
moves that three years later were embraced by the Ratsiraka regime as
the cornerstones of the Second Republic, the Ramanantsoa regime
pronounced Madagascar's commitment to nonalignment, anti-imperialism,
anticolonialism, and antiracism in international affairs. In the context
of the privileged Franco-Malagasy relationship, these themes translated
into harsh rhetoric concerning the necessity of revoking the
"slavery agreements" of the Tsiranana regime, followed by the
uncompensated nationalization of all French banks and insurance firms in
June 1975, contributing to the dramatic cooling of diplomatic relations.
Moreover, in June 1976, the Ratsiraka regime laid claim to small, rocky,
French-held islands around Madagascar, including the Glorieuses (claimed
concurrently by Comoros), Juan de Nova, Europa, Bassas da India, and
Tromelin (also claimed by Mauritius). Originally administered as part of
French-ruled Madagascar, these possessions were split off just prior to
independence in 1960 and include some minor military facilities.
Diplomatic links also soured with other Western powers, such as
Britain, which closed its embassy in 1975. In the case of the United
States, the immediate cause of strained ties was the Ratsiraka regime's
decision to close the NASA tracking station. Another source of friction
was the frequent verbal assaults by the Ratsiraka regime against the
United States military presence at Diego Garcia Island. The Malagasy
position was that, in accordance with a UN resolution passed in 1971,
the Indian Ocean should be a demilitarized, nuclear-free zone of peace.
Nonetheless, trade relations remained essentially unaffected, and
diplomatic relations continued, albeit at the reduced level of chargés
d'affaires.
The most dramatic development was the strengthening of ties with
Eastern Europe and with other communist regimes. After establishing
diplomatic links with the Soviet Union in October 1972--followed one
month later by the establishment of ties with China and the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea (North Korea)--ties were enhanced in the
economic, cultural, and politico-military realms. Soviet development
assistance was directed toward the fields of agriculture, medicine,
science, and technology, and scholarships were provided to at least
2,000 Malagasy students to study in the Soviet Union. A new Malagasy-
Soviet Intergovernmental Commission on Economic and Technical
Cooperation and Trade facilitated these links. The Soviet Union was
particularly interested in promoting security ties with the Ratsiraka
regime. In addition to providing military advisers and technical advice,
the former Soviet Union became the primary source of military equipment
for the Malagasy Armed Forces, including providing access to MiG-21
Fishbed jet fighters, and aided in the construction of a series of
sealane intercept stations along Madagascar's west coast astride the
Mozambique Channel. These stations were eventually dismantled in 1983
after protests by the West.
Relationships with other communist countries developed in a variety
of fields. Whereas Cuba provided technical assistance within the
educational realm, China funded the construction of roads between
Moramanga and Toamasina, and built a new sugar factory near Morondava.
The Ratsiraka regime was especially impressed by North Korean leader Kim
Il Sung and his ideology of national self-reliance known as juche
(or chuch'e), hosting an international conference on this topic
in Antananarivo in 1976. North Korean assistance was fairly extensive in
the fields of agriculture and irrigation. The North Koreans were most
noted, however, for their training of Ratsiraka's presidential security
unit and the construction of a presidential bunker at Iavohola.
New directions in foreign policy were equally pronounced in
Madagascar's relationships with other developing countries and its
positions in a variety of international forums. In addition to breaking
ties with Israel and South Africa, the Ramanantsoa/Ratsiraka regimes
strengthened links with Libya, the Palestine Liberation Organization,
and liberation movements in southern Africa and the Western Sahara.
Madagascar also joined the Nonaligned Movement, became more active in
the Organization of African Unity (OAU), and took positions in the UN
that favored the communist states, including abstaining on a resolution
that denounced the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and
supporting Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia in 1978. In conjunction with
his Cuban and Soviet allies, Ratsiraka even tried to broker an end to
rising tensions between Marxist Ethiopia and Marxist Somalia just prior
to the outbreak of the Ogaden War in 1977-78.
Despite some alarmist projections that the communist countries would
replace the West and turn Madagascar into a Soviet satellite, the
changes in Madagascar's foreign policies represented a short-term shift
rather than a true break with the past. The Ratsiraka regime had gained
little in the form of economic assistance from its friendly relations
with the Soviet Union and other communist countries--aid from these
sources constituted less than 1 percent of all bilateral assistance from
1977 to 1980--and was confronted with the harsh realities of economic
decline. As a result, an increasingly pragmatic Ratsiraka sought to
reaffirm and strengthen Madagascar's foreign policy relationships with
the West. Indeed, relations with the West appeared to be on the upswing
at the beginning of the 1980s, whereas those with the communist
countries were more or less static--despite the similarity of views on a
wide range of international issues routinely reaffirmed by the
spokespersons of Madagascar and of communist countries. As was the case
with other self-proclaimed Marxist regimes during the 1970s and the
1980s, Ratsiraka pursued politico-military links with the Soviet Union
while seeking to maintain economic ties with the West.
Diplomatic overtures to France served as the logical starting point
for achieving a balance in Madagascar's foreign policy relationships. As
early as 1977, Ratsiraka provided assurances concerning compensation for
French firms nationalized during the mid-1970s in order to foster
greater official and private investment in Madagascar. France responded
positively, as demonstrated by the tremendous increase in foreign
assistance from US$38.4 million in 1979 to US$96.4 million in 1982.
Indeed, as of the early 1980s, France remained Madagascar's most
important foreign policy partner. It was the principal source of foreign
assistance and the most valuable trading partner. The dispute over
French control of neighboring islands, although unresolved, had little
if any ill effect on Franco-Malagasy relations, mainly because the
Ratsiraka regime no longer publicly pressed this issue in international
forums. (The motion asking France to cede the islands had been adopted
by the UN General Assembly by a ninety-seven to seven vote in 1979 with
thirty-six abstentions.)
The diversification of ties, thereby avoiding dependence on any
single power, served as another cornerstone of Madagascar's foreign
policy initiatives during the 1980s. Relations were fully restored with
Washington in November 1980 when United States Ambassador Fernando E.
Rondon assumed his post for the first time since his predecessor had
been recalled during the summer of 1975. Receiving the new envoy,
Ratsiraka expressed the hope that "fruitful, loyal, and lasting
cooperation" would develop between the two countries and that there
would be "no further misunderstandings" as a result of
differing opinions on international issues. Other major events included
the reopening of the British embassy in 1979, Ratsiraka's visits with
President Ronald Reagan in Washington in 1982 and 1983, the opening of a
World Bank office in Antananarivo in 1983, and the strengthening of
links with other industrialized countries, most notably Japan.
The levels of foreign assistance provided by the West demonstrate the
success of Ratsiraka's diplomatic initiatives. Bilateral aid from the West constituted only US$36.3
million one year after Ratsiraka had taken power in 1975. Four years
after the beginning of the foreign policy changes initiated by the
Ramantsoa regime, this amount increased to US$168.1 million in 1982, to
US$217.6 million in 1988, and to US$365.5 million in 1991. Similarly,
multilateral assistance from Western financial institutions, such as the
IMF and the European Common Market (European Union), increased from
US$34.1 million in 1976 to US$80.6 million in 1982, to US$108.9 million
in 1988, and to US$191.4 million in 1991.
Equally important, Ratsiraka's policies led to a diversification of
Madagascar's sources of foreign assistance. Although France in 1991
still provided approximately 43 percent (US$157.0 million) of
Madagascar's bilateral foreign assistance, in 1988 it had provided
approximately 50 percent (US$108.5 million). The amount marked a
significant decline from almost total dependence in 1970 when nearly 90
percent of all Western assistance was provided by France. Noteworthy,
however, was France's provision of US$655.4 million of the total
US$1,334.5 million multilateral aid that Madagascar received between
1985 and 1990. In addition, France gave Madagascar loan assistance for
such projects as telecommunications, transportation, and banking, and
canceled US$715 million in debts that the Madagascar government owed
France. In 1993 Madagascar received about US$167 million in aid from
France compared with about US$152 million in aid received from France in
1992. Whereas the United States provided US$71.0 million in multilateral
aid in 1991, Japan and Germany extended US$56.8 million and US$30.3
million respectively.
United States direct development aid has become increasingly
important for Madagascar and has risen from about US$10 million in 1990
to US$13.5 million in 1991 (US$28 million were authorized but could not
be used because of strikes and the disrupted political and economic
situation), US$40 million in 1992, and US$40.6 million in 1993. Of the
1993 total, US$20.4 million was earmarked for environmental protection
and US$10 million for the private sector.
The growing partnership with the West was cemented by dramatic
changes in the international system and in Madagascar's domestic
political system. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 signaled the
beginning of a process eventually leading to the downfall of communist
regimes and trading partners in Eastern Europe, the fragmentation of the
Soviet Union, and the increasing international isolation of North Korea
and Cuba as pariah regimes. Furthermore, this international trend
facilitated the rise of popular pressures for a multiparty democracy in
Madagascar, eventually leading to the downfall of Ratsiraka's Second
Republic and its replacement in 1993 with a democratically inspired
Third Republic under the leadership of Zafy.
The cornerstone of Madagascar's foreign policy in the post- Cold War
era is the continued diversification of ties, with an emphasis on
promoting economic exchanges. In addition to establishing formal
diplomatic ties with the Republic of Korea (South Korea) in May 1993,
negotiations were initiated to restore diplomatic links with Israel and
South Africa. In each of these cases, diplomatic links are perceived as
the precursor to lucrative trading agreements. For example, one month
after establishing diplomatic ties with South Korea, Madagascar hosted a
South Korean trade mission that included representatives of six major
South Korean companies: Daewoo, Dong Yong Electronics, Hyundai, Kolon,
Peace Industries, and Samsung. As underscored by Prime Minister Ravony,
one of the most critical challenges facing Madagascar is the
restructuring of its embassies and foreign policy to "objectives of
economic redeployment" in the post-Cold War era. Of particular
interest to Madagascar, in view of their proximity and commercial
potential, are relations and trade with India, Mauritius, Australia, and
South Africa.
The benefits associated with changes in the international environment
have an impact on Madagascar's domestic political system. Similar to
other newly installed African democracies at the beginning of the 1990s,
the Zafy regime confronts the challenge of consolidating still-fragile
democratic practices and governing institutions in a significantly
changed international environment. Although such potential benefits
associated with the end of the Cold War as a renewed focus on economic
as opposed to military investments have been heralded by Western
observers, the leaders of African countries, including Madagascar,
rightfully wonder if their countries will be further marginalized as
former benefactors either turn inward or toward more lucrative economic
markets in Asia and Latin America. Equally important, the Zafy regime
faces balancing rising public demands to receive immediately the fruits
of democratization with the harsh reality of the political constraints
of a democratic system. Indeed, democratization has not proved to be a
quick panacea to resolving such issues as the necessity of overhauling
and privatizing largely inert and bloated state-operated economic
enterprises, and has even led to the emergence of new problems, most
notably federalist demands for greater regional autonomy. Nonetheless,
Madagascar's political elite clearly seems committed to the continued
reform and strengthening of multiparty democracy, as well as the
expansion of the country's role as a leader in both regional and
international forums.
The following is excerped from the Country Studies--Area Handbook program of the U.S. Department of the Army. The original version of this text is available at the Library of Congress.
Full index of Country Studies-Madagascar
Almost all pictures on this site were taken with a Konica Minolta
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